Discussion
Most patients seeking abortion at our safety net hospital initiated a contraceptive method, with over 40% initiating an IUD or subdermal implant and the LNG IUD most commonly chosen overall. Latent class analysis identified two groups, each with a similar pattern of contraceptive preference, that differed significantly in demographic characteristics. Latent group 1, which was largely Hispanic and often had medication abortions and Medicaid (public) insurance, was more likely to choose the subdermal implant or oral contraceptive pills. Latent group 2, which was largely non-Hispanic, had procedural abortions and was more likely to have commercial insurance and was more likely to choose the LNG IUD or decline contraception. Overall, uptake was high among Hispanic/Latinx and Spanish-speaking patients, who most commonly chose the etonogestrel subdermal implant. In contrast, individuals who spoke a language other than English or Spanish had lower uptake rates of any contraceptive method. It is not clear whether rates of unintended pregnancy differ in this subgroup, or whether this reflects individual preferences or an unmet need in this population. In our study population, those who did not have insurance or who self-paid for care most often declined contraception. Counselling may need to incorporate financial and logistical considerations among this subgroup, while bearing in mind that method preferences may vary independently of cost. Finally, patients having procedural abortions at ≥14 weeks were more likely to initiate LARC methods than user-dependent methods, while those having a medication abortion often chose oral contraceptive pills, depot medroxyprogesterone acetate injections and barrier methods to LARC methods.
A possible explanation is that individuals choosing a medication abortion have fewer in-person appointments, while those having a procedural abortion later in pregnancy are already having sedation, lowering the potential barrier of pain associated with LARC placement. Other factors external to individual preferences may also play a role, including clinician counselling and underlying biases, as well as system-specific clinical protocols, time constraints on counselling and appointment scheduling.
Among our study population, distance travelled to access abortion care and COVID-19-related concerns appeared to have little impact on the contraceptive method chosen. In the wake of increasing restrictions on abortion in the USA since 2022, individuals are travelling longer distances for this care overall.16–18 We chose a 10 mile distance from the hospital as a cut-off because only 18% of Americans live more than 10 miles from their nearest hospital, suggesting that this threshold demarcates a population with reduced geographic access to care.19 Although patients in our cohort may have had closer alternatives, cost of care rather than time may have driven their decision to travel to our centre. We felt that this threshold represented a substantial travel burden in the context of public transportation availability in New York City. Although our study period predated many state-specific abortion-related restrictions, those who anticipate or experience barriers to accessing abortion care may be motivated to avoid unintended pregnancy. However, personal considerations and other factors may have more of an immediate impact on method choice than distance travelled.
Our study examined contraceptive choice after abortion in a population with a broad method mix available free of charge, regardless of insurance status. In settings where contraceptive methods are not subsidised, insurance status consistently plays a role in contraceptive uptake and even in method selection, with fewer self-pay patients initiating LARC despite their initial preference.12 14 Our findings were consistent with Biggs et al,20 who also found that individuals with insurance more often initiated a method than those without. In their population, 75% used insurance to pay for abortion and most (74%) chose low efficacy methods (barrier methods, emergency contraceptive pills) or medium efficacy methods (combined hormonal contraception, injections). In Roe et al’s study of contraceptive uptake in a setting where LARC was readily available at the time of abortion, nearly 80% had public or private insurance and about 25% initiated an IUD or implant.21 At our centre, patients who cannot provide supporting documentation to obtain state-funded insurance (which covers prenatal care or abortion/contraception at the time of abortion) pay one fee for all care including contraception according to an income-based sliding scale. Many pay nothing for their care given their income. More than 40% of our cohort chose LARC, which was available to all but could also reflect counselling practices and individual preferences. Even among individuals without insurance or those who self-paid for care, nearly 30% chose an IUD or implant.
LARC uptake rates may relate to contradicting desires to avoid future visits for postabortion and contraception care, and/or concern about difficulties in access to effective contraception. Fang et al found slightly higher rates of postabortion LARC uptake among patients who travel longer distances.22 Upadhyay et al showed that patients who live farther away from the site of their abortion care more often sought any necessary follow-up care via the emergency department rather than the outpatient setting, which may reflect a lack of access to or mistrust towards decentralised reproductive health clinicians, especially in the postabortion period.23 Emergency department utilisation may also impede access to LARC follow-up care for patients who live farther from the site of their abortion.
Periabortion contraceptive provision represents an opportunity to reduce the risk of future unintended pregnancies, especially for individuals who experience difficulty accessing abortion care due to insurance status, limited English proficiency or travel. Differences in contraceptive uptake rates between racial and ethnic groups represent an opportunity for clinicians to consider their biases while counselling. This study highlights the benefit of healthcare policies and funding initiatives that allow equitable contraceptive access regardless of ability to pay.
Our study findings indicate that contraceptive uptake is high among abortion-seeking individuals when cost is not a barrier. There is a clear need for further research to understand how other factors influence contraceptive decision-making and uptake around the time of abortion, such as patient–provider communication patterns, cultural influences and patient perceptions about contraception. Further studies may also assess longer-term continuation and satisfaction with methods initiated around the time of abortion. We had planned to assess method continuation through 6 months after abortion, but our chart review found that most patients did not return to our clinic for any contraceptive or gynaecological care. Patients may have had a number of reasons to prefer a different location for this care.
From a policy perspective, our results support the need for no-cost contraceptive programmes, given that those who were uninsured or self-paid most often declined contraception. Our study population demonstrated a relatively high contraceptive initiation rate overall, as well as a high LARC-initiation rate, particularly when compared with other populations that had a greater proportion of uninsured patients.21 Our high uptake rate of LARCs in a no-or-low-cost environment reinforces the findings of Goyal et al, who found that, despite high reported interest in LARC methods among all patients, those who qualified for a no-cost-LARC programme initiated them after abortion significantly more often than those who did not qualify for the programme.24
Our study population comprised a demographically diverse group who had access to a variety of contraceptive methods without cost as a barrier. We examined non-financial factors and contraceptive preferences at the time of abortion in a safety net hospital where all individuals may receive care, regardless of ability to pay. As a referral centre, our patient population comprised many people with complex social and medical needs reflecting many of the most vulnerable in our community.
As a retrospective chart review, we were limited in the ability to directly assess factors affecting contraceptive decision-making. Likewise, motivations behind method selection, reasons for non-initiation and long-term method continuation could not be evaluated. Within the context of a clinical encounter, asking patients why they decline contraception could be coercive even if intended for systematic data collection at a later time. Our findings may not be generalisable to other regions or healthcare centres, particularly those without cost-elimination measures or those with different patient demographics.
There was a high proportion of our study population with other race (45%) and no ethnicity (24%) recorded in the medical record. We subsequently learnt that race and ethnicity are most often assigned by administrative personnel or clerks at the time of chart creation or appointment check-in at our site. When confronted with a limited list and asked to pick a single option that most closely matches a patient’s identity, they may feel limited by the options, feel that none apply, or inadvertently conflate race and ethnicity. They may be uncomfortable asking the patient for a response, feel that they are unable to judge, or believe that it is not their decision to make and therefore decline to provide a more specific answer than ‘other’. These challenges may drive racial and ethnic classification in our hospital’s electronic medical record and may render our analyses based on these factors less useful. Additionally, our study period (April 2019 to June 2021) does not capture long term trends, including those influenced by US policy changes since 2022 which imposed widespread regional restrictions on abortion access. Data during this period may also have been influenced by external factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic.
Future directions for research could include multicentre mixed-method studies using interviews and surveys to qualitatively assess both patient and provider perspectives on postabortion contraceptive preferences. Individuals could provide insight into the factors they consider when making contraceptive decisions, and whether an unwanted pregnancy changes these considerations. Providers could discuss counselling techniques, implicit biases and systems limitations that may affect their recommendations. Clinical trials could explore the utility of patient decision-making tools regarding postabortion contraception.